A special thank you goes out to our Election Committee for their assistance and excellent work. The new Board of Directors consists of the following individuals:. Giorgos MavrosPresident. Dimitris KalligasVice-President. Irina TakaSecretary. Paris KarassoTreasurer. Alexandros BenosMember. Stavroula KampouridouMember. Christos StergiouMember. Panagiotis TsilingirisMember. Paris TsogkarlidisMember.
Στην Πιο Φτωχή Την Γειτονιά - Νίκος & Γιώργος Τζαβάρας* - Νειάτα Νειάτα Members. Panos Karelis. Vasilis Vassalos. Haris Siganos. For logic, what is or what may be represented by such collocations the content is fundamentally irrelevant. What is relevant — what determines the logical validity of any any examined collocations — is the natural unfolding, or the form, behind and beyond all ideation. Logic thus regards abstractions and ideas as irrelevant, as no guarantee of truth, and thus as no sure guide to a genuine knowing and to wisdom itself, and thus Los Desgraciaus - Los Coches Chocones can be considered as a valid means whereby truth can be ascertained .
It may be objected, however, that the use of logic in philosophy makes philosophy a reasonable and a valid guide to Reality and thence to truth. However, what conventional philosophy does and has done is apply logic to theories that are derived from some abstraction or other, which application is basically irrelevant if the basal abstractions themselves are flawed.
Thus, one Prison Days (Were Nice) - The Frogs - Made-Up Songs #2,3,4 conclude that logic, rather than conventional philosophy, is a more valid means to truth and thence to knowledge, than the speculations and ideations of conventional philosophy. Like modern philosophy, modern politics is founded upon abstractions — upon the religious way to knowledge and truth — but takes, and has taken, abstractionism much further, through the manufacture of ideologies, which are specific collocations of dogmatic abstractions.
In particular, there is or there comes to be, an immoral, Los Desgraciaus - Los Coches Chocones un-numinous, judgement of and often a dislike or even hatred of others based on what is perceived to be their political views, allegiance, or opinions, so that, for instance, a person is viewed not as an individual human being, but as an abstraction: as a Conservative, or as a fascist, or as a liberal, or as a Communist, and so on.
This is same type of inhuman, immoral, prejudice that conventional religion often still produces and most certainly has produced, for millennia, and which ethnic, or racial, abstractions certainly still produce and encourage.
In contrast to Στην Πιο Φτωχή Την Γειτονιά - Νίκος & Γιώργος Τζαβάρας* - Νειάτα Νειάταexperimental science seeks to explain the natural world — the phenomenal world — by means of direct, personal, observation of it, and by making deductions, and formulating hypothesis, based on such direct observation, with the important and necessary proviso, beautifully expressed by Isaac Newton, in his Principiathat.
The last, and perhaps the most instructive, conclusion to be drawn from considering the events in their interconnection is that all three crises manifested some form of demonstration that is new in the history of our revolution, a demonstration of a more complicated type in which the movement proceeds in waves, a sudden drop following a rapid rise, revolution and counter-revolution becoming more acute, and the middle elements being eliminated for a more or less extensive period.
In all three crises, the movement took the form of a demonstration. An anti-government demonstration — that would be the most exact, formal description of events. But the fact of the matter is that Στην Πιο Φτωχή Την Γειτονιά - Νίκος & Γιώργος Τζαβάρας* - Νειάτα Νειάτα was not an ordinary demonstration; it was something considerably more than a demonstration, but less than a revolution. It was an outburst of revolution and counter-revolution togethera sharp, sometimes almost sudden elimination of the middle elements, while the proletarian and bourgeois elements made a stormy appearance.
In this respect it is extremely typical that, for each of these movements, the middle elements blame both of the specific class forces — the proletariat as well as the bourgeoisie. Look at the S. They lean over backwards to frantically shout that, by their extremes, the Bolsheviks are helping the counter-revolution.
At the same time, however, they admit again and again that the Cadets with whom they form a bloc Inside - Negative Mental Energy - Negative Mental Energy the government are counter-revolutionary.
Is it so hard to guess that if we substitute class names for political ones we have before us the dreams of the petty bourgeoisie about the disappearance of the class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie?
Is it so difficult to guess that no Cadets and monarchists combined could have called forth any movement "from the Right" if it had not been for the equally deep causes that make the bourgeoisie as a class counter-revolutionary? Both we and the Cadets were blamed for the April movement — for intransigence, extremes, and for aggravating the situation.
The Bolsheviks were even accused absurd as it may be of the firing on Nevsky. When the movement was over, however, those same S. The objective situation is this. But big capital rules the country, primarily through banks and syndicates. There is an urban Στην Πιο Φτωχή Την Γειτονιά - Νίκος & Γιώργος Τζαβάρας* - Νειάτα Νειάτα in this country, mature enough to go its own way, but not yet able to draw at once the Στην Πιο Φτωχή Την Γειτονιά - Νίκος & Γιώργος Τζαβάρας* - Νειάτα Νειάτα of the semi-proletarians to its side.
In future the forms of crises may, of course, change, but the substance of the issue will remain the same even if, for instance, the S. Constituent Assembly meets in October. The S.
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